Why Tribal Co-Management Is A Threat to Our Public Lands

Mecca Hills Wilderness is part of the recently designated Chuckwalla National Monument, which requires tribal co-management. Photo by George Wuerthner

Given the wrecking ball the Trump administration is taking to our public lands and public values, it might seem trivial to worry about tribal co-management.

Our public lands are among the most democratic of American institutions. Every American has a right to voice their opinion about public lands management, but no group should be elevated and given more authority over how our public lands are managed. Unfortunately, co-management does exactly that.

However, tribal co-management is part of a long-term goal of garnering control of public lands and assets like wildlife. It is an attack on the fundamental value of public lands. It is part of a movement that sees tribes as victims and public lands as a form of “colonialism” and cultural “genocide.”

Public lands have a lot of value beyond cultural and political considerations. I believe public lands are part of the planetary heritage critical to the survival of numerous species, evolutionary processes, and global efforts to reduce climate warming.

The Jemez Pueblo has recently obtained permission to capture and kill eagles in the Valles Caldera National Preserve in New Mexico. Killing wildlife, in particular, birds of prey protected by the Bald and Golden Eagle Protection Act, which is contrary to NPS management policies and over the objections of the Preserve manager, but was permitted by the executive decision of Chuck Sams, former NPS director under the Biden administration. Sams is a tribal member of the Cayuse and Walla Walla tribes. Photo by George Wuerthner

Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland and Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack mandated federal land managers to create co-management, sometimes called co-stewardship, agreements with tribal entities. Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland’s Secretarial Order 3403 dictates that tribal nations be included in the management of federal lands and waters. As with individual co-management agreements, this order, which is a significant change in public policy, occurred without any public review, input or NEPA process.

Whether these co-management agreements strengthen or weaken environmental protections will vary, but how these agreements are created is very undemocratic. Furthermore, some tribal co-management can compromise federal laws as well as ecological and evolutionary values.

Below, I have attached a request from a colleague of mine to obtain a copy of a tribal co-management agreement between the Red Cliff Band and the National Park Service.

Rather than comply with this simple request from an American citizen about the management of our public lands, the NPS asked the following: “Could you please provide details on why you are seeking a copy of the agreement and how you intend to use the information? Once I have this information, I will reach out to the park and tribe with your request.”

Why should any citizen have to justify why they are interested in how “our” public lands are managed? One can ask why the public is excluded from reviewing and commenting upon such agreements. Why are the agreements not available on public websites, so citizens can evaluate them? Why are they “hidden” from public scrutiny?

In her response, the NPS person says she has to get approval from the “tribe” to share the co-management document. And since tribes are considered “sovereign nations,” they do not have to comply. This is the problem with the entire “co-management” process.

The response of the NPS exhibits one of the major problems with co-management. These agreements are made secretly without any public process. No NEPA. No public process. Nothing. Nada.

Our public lands are held in trust for the American people by the federal government. Secret agreements are not democracy.

Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument, CA. Photo by George Wuerthner

As I have previously stated in other ways, these agreements lack transparency.

Conflicts between the Navajo tribal members over “co-management” of the Bears Ears NM in Utah have arisen over the use of pickup trucks and chainsaws for firewood gathering in Wilderness Study Areas where motor use is prohibited, exemplifying how tribal interests are not necessarily the same as the public interest. Photo by George Wuerthner

A further problem with co-management agreements is that they lack cohesive legislation or policy. As the Congressional Research Service review of Tribal Co-management of Federal Lands acknowledged, “Co-management and tribal co-management are not defined terms in law. Accordingly, Members of Congress, tribes, and federal agencies may use and apply these terms differently. As a result, federal-tribal co-management on federal lands can take many forms and cover many activities. Tribal co-management generally involves varying degrees of tribal influence in federal decision-making…”

NEPA LACKING

Some co-management agreements might significantly impact public values and should be reviewed under the National Environmental Policy Act–NEPA (as long as we still have it—Trump may soon make this moot). Yet I am unaware of any co-management agreements completed where an Environmental Impact Statement was produced.

Beyond the requirements of NEPA, federal agencies appear to treat these agreements as confidential arrangements that do not require public notice or involvement.

Cape Perpetual Scenic Area, Siuslaw NF, Oregon. Photo by George Wuerthner

MY PROBLEMS WITH OBTAINING CO-MANAGEMENT AGREEMENTS

The one co-management agreement I could obtain with the Siuslaw NF in Oregon (after going through my Senator to get it) called for more logging than even the Nation Forest would do to benefit the economic opportunities for the associated tribes (they own timber mills).

Here are some specific provisions of the co-management agreement between the Siuslaw National Forest and the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw Indians of Oregon.

“Whereas the Tribe desires that forest management activities on public land within the ancestral territory ensure restoration of tribally significant resources, long-term forest fuel reduction, forest health remediation, climate change adaptation and other forest management efforts beneficial to Tribal Interests”

The document goes on to say, among other objectives, that Forest Service management will benefit the tribes by implementing the following goals:

  • Reduction of hazardous fuels and risks of wildfire.
  • Protection from disease and insects and other impacts is detrimental to forest health.
  • Providing an adequate supply of timber to support the local economy.

If you have been following the bogus arguments by the Forest Service to increase logging on public lands, the above justifications are identical. They do not represent an enlightened or biocenotic perspective. These are the talking points of Industrial Forestry.

When I presented copies of the agreement to several of the so-called conservation organizations fighting logging on Oregon national forests and asked them what they planned to do about the proposal to do more logging on the Siuslaw based on the benefit in the local economy (i.e., the tribal timber mills), they refused to do anything publicly about it, much less inform their membership.

As far as I know, the Siuslaw NF will increase logging, including perhaps old-growth forests, to accommodate the tribal co-management agreement.

Valley oaks. Cache Creek in the Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument, CA. Photo by George Wuerthner

Similarly, I tried to obtain a co-management agreement for the BLM-managed Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument in California. There was no copy of the agreement on the BLM’s website, and when I requested a copy, the area manager gave me the same run around as I had from the Siuslaw National Forest.

Any response to my request was repeatedly delayed. I never got a copy.

In March 2024, Sage Steppe Wild filed a Freedom of Information Act request for copies of all co-management agreements implemented by the USDA based on a speech given by the Secretary of Agriculture stating that 120 agreements had been signed. As of today (February 2025), SSW has not received a copy of a single co-management agreement.

This lack of agency response should be alarming to anyone concerned about the public’s right to know what and how our collective public land heritage is managed.

UNWILLINGNESS OF CONSERVATION GROUPS TO CONDEMN THE PROCESS

Another problem with the co-management agreements is the unwillingness and reluctance of conservation groups to condemn or even inform the public about the agreements. This is part of several decades of a shift in conservation advocacy from a biocentric to an anthropocentric perspective where “cultural” values propelled by the social justice movement supersede biological and ecological objectives.

I hasten to add that while I do not deny numerous social justice issues that need to be rectified, ultimately, there is no social justice on a dead planet. If tribal interest emphasizes resource extraction and ecosystem degradation, one is morally obligated to side with the voiceless—wild nature.

Most conservation groups are funded by progressive foundations advocating social justice issues. Tribal people are viewed as victims of past and present government policies, so there is an unwillingness to challenge any tribal objective.

The NPS signed a co-management agreement between Joshua Tree National Park and the Twenty Nine Palms Mission Band. As with all co-management contracts, there was no public process or transparency. Photo by George Wuerthner

Indeed, some of these foundations require that organizations advocate for and advance tribal goals as a requisite for funding. Of course, most employees of conservation organizations are also sympathetic to tribal demands and desires, so the influence of funding isn’t necessarily the primary driver of organizational policies.

As I have suggested in previous commentaries, in many instances, tribes want public land management to favor their economic or political interests, whether it is more exploitation of forests, minerals, oil, and gas, or wildlife, or enabling the goal of the “Land Back” movement.

Many outside the Land Back movement are unaware that the tribes’ ultimate objective is the transfer of our shared public lands to tribal control. For instance, read this piece, Ending National Parks: Returning national parks to tribal sovereignty could help remedy what is often called America’s “best idea”. A recent article in High Country News also mentions how tribes feel they should control, if not outright own, the public domain. Most of these articles misinterpret history and are guided by a cult-like faith that tribal management will benefit the land and the public.

As a generalization, most tribal groups put their economic and political interests ahead of ecological integrity. This is not necessarily any different from any other political, racial, or ethnic group, so this has nothing to do with those identities. Tribal groups talk a lot about “sacred” lands and “kinship” with wildlife. Still, their behavior when a specific issue financially benefits the tribe is often less than admirable from a conservation perspective.

I have documented numerous examples of this in my essay “The Indian Iron Curtain.”

Yet there is a legal precedent for conservation organizations to challenge these co-management agreements—assuming they want to do this.

For instance, the United States Supreme Court unanimously ruled on March 5, 2001, that communications between federal agencies and Indian tribes are not shielded by exemption 5 (Department of the Interior v. Klamath Water Users Association). The Court clarified that the limited exemptions in FOIA “do not obscure the basic policy that disclosure, not secrecy, is the dominant objective of the Act.”

Yet, I know of no conservation group to date other than Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER) and Sage Steppe Wild that have even attempted to obtain tribal-federal co-management agreements, let alone examine them. 

When information about co-management with several national parks was requested, no correspondence between the tribes and NPS was available. So, the public cannot even understand the context of co-management agreements.

People advocating for tribal co-management gloss over these problems.

Sunset on Snow Mountain, Snow Mountain Wilderness, Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument, CA. Photo by George Wuerthner

WE ARE ALL AMERICANS

It’s important to note that all tribal people are American citizens. They have the same right to comment on and review federal agency policies as any other American. What they don’t have, in my view, is a right to greater oversight, greater authority, or greater influence over federal lands that are the birthright of all Americans.

I would be just as opposed to co-management by the timber industry, the livestock industry, the oil and gas industry, and industrial recreation. These industries have already captured federal regulatory agencies to some degree.

Do we need to add one more interest group to the mix?

For that matter, I would oppose the co-management of public lands by the so-called conservation community, whether the National Parks and Conservation, Backcountry Hunters and Anglers, Sierra Club, The Wilderness Society, or any other political entity.

Tribal entities and people have the same right to comment on public lands as any other individual or political party. However, giving any entity greater legal authority over public lands, especially those whose goals and objectives are not necessarily the same as the public interest, should be opposed.

From: Boden, Kathy L kathy_boden@nps.gov
Sent: Feb 5, 2025 7:36 AM
Subject: Fw: [EXTERNAL] Agreement with Red Cliff band et al.

Good morning,

I am the Tribal Relations Program Coordinator for the Midwest Region, and your request has been forwarded to me. Before sharing any agreements, I must first obtain approval from both the park and the tribe. As part of this process, I am typically asked to clarify the purpose of the request. Could you please provide details on why you are seeking a copy of the agreement and how you intend to use the information? Once I have this information, I will reach out to the park and tribe to with your request.

If you have any other questions or need anything else, please let me know.

Kathy Miller Boden
Tribal Relations Program Coordinator
National Park Service
Midwest Region, Interior Regions 3, 4, 5
Cell: (531) 250-6129
Office: (402) 661-1946
601 Riverfront Drive
Omaha, NE 68102

Comments

  1. Makuye Avatar
    Makuye

    From ANILCO to Apache trophy hunting guides denying even the presence of the Wolf phenotype native to the habitat type where Canis lupus was the true native manager of the land for perhaps 10x as long as Homo sapiens has lived at all.
    One must make ethical and emotional alliance with only those who take no more than necessary to eat, rather than seek to “own” the world through which we animals pass through like cloud or shadow.

    Even the bear claims no more than food before him or her. We humans live now in a time of unconstrained hubris. Too few of us have ever learned the basic lesson of life. — to welcome as no less than equals, and to defer our own greed.

    1. Jeff Hoffman Avatar
      Jeff Hoffman

      Fully agree! For a wildlife site, there’s far too much talk about things like democracy and public trust. The only relevant issue here is the land and the native life on it, not how humans interact with each other.

  2. Fred Koontz Avatar
    Fred Koontz

    Thank you, George, for the courage to voice this perspective. While no one denies the past harm suffered by American Indians, it seems that in some sort of twisted guilt or trend setting the “legal relief” being provided to the Tribes goes too far. The broad co-management authority is one example. With all due respect to American Tribes and tribal members, we live in a pluralistic, democratic society that increasingly will need to focus on policies based on an amalgam of values, and I suspect this amalgam will shift often with changing values and new cultural mixes. At the same time, I do respect very much the many Tribal leaders showing strong pride and stern protection of their current treaty rights. However, I hope they realize that treaty rights are not God given. I fear for them (and all of us) with the current power makeup in Congress who in statute can trump (apology for the word choice) treaties in place today. One more thing to worry about.

  3. Bruce Bowen Avatar
    Bruce Bowen

    For those more interested in this topic there is a Congressional Research Service report which can be found at https://crsreport.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R47563

    It appears that there may be over 400 co-management agreements between the 574 federally recognized indigenous tribes and the United States as of 2025. I think that quite a few were entered in to because of issues involving the discovery of native ancestral artifacts, medicinal herbs, ceremonial grounds and human remains. However, as George points out, it is alarming to hear that some resources, that are supposed to be held in the public trust could be used by certain entities exclusive of public knowledge. Why, for example, would a tribe want to sacrifice eagles if eagle feathers are available through the Fish and Wildlife Service that collects eagles whacked by wind machines etc. There appears to be no shortage of supply.

    The above referenced report is a bit foggy when it comes to a definition of co-management agreements but is worth reading to gain a better understanding of where the government is at in this process.

    As far as public lands/managerial agencies being democratic- that was certainly not my experience during my 8 years as a federal wildlife biologist.

  4. Jeff Hoffman Avatar
    Jeff Hoffman

    “Why should any citizen have to justify why they are interested in how “our” public lands are managed?” “Why are the agreements not available on public websites, so citizens can evaluate them? Why are they “hidden” from public scrutiny?”

    Don’t delude yourself into thinking that the U.S. is a democracy George. It’s far from it. As shown by the Princeton study from about ten years ago, the U.S. is an oligarchy, where the rich rule and the rest of us have no real say. It’s probably always been like this, and it was never intended to be a democracy. The founding genociders/slave owners had no intention of creating a real democracy, just the facade of one to appease the common folk.

    What’s needed here is an federal office that advocates for the land and all nonhuman native life there. That would eliminate this woke/PC BS giving non-traditional Natives any authority over public lands. Of course in this society that idea is a nonstarter, but nevertheless it’s what’s needed.

  5. Dr. Rodgers Avatar
    Dr. Rodgers

    This article by George Wuerthner is riddled with inaccuracies, logical inconsistencies, and deeply flawed premises. Here’s a thorough dismantling of his argument:

    Misrepresentation of Public Lands and Tribal Sovereignty

    Wuerthner frames public lands as the “democratic birthright” of all Americans while ignoring the historical fact that these lands were taken from Indigenous peoples through forced removals, broken treaties, and outright theft.

    Tribes have a unique legal and political status as sovereign nations, a status recognized in U.S. law through treaties, court decisions, and Congressional acts. Co-management is not a “special privilege”—it is a legal obligation rooted in historical agreements and the federal government’s trust responsibility to tribes.

    Public lands are already subject to co-management with various interest groups (such as ranchers, timber companies, and conservation organizations), yet Wuerthner objects only when it involves Indigenous nations.

    False Claims of Lack of Transparency

    The assertion that co-management agreements are “secretive” is misleading. Many co-management agreements involve extensive consultation processes, including public input where applicable.
    The need for tribal approval before sharing documents is a function of government-to-government relations, not secrecy. Tribes are sovereign entities, and their agreements with federal agencies respect that status.
    Wuerthner’s FOIA concerns are overblown—federal co-management agreements are subject to legal review, and tribes are under no obligation to disclose internal governance matters just to satisfy his curiosity.

    Cherry-Picking of “Problems” While Ignoring Existing Industry Influence

    He complains about tribal co-management potentially leading to resource extraction but ignores the fact that federal lands are already exploited by extractive industries under various federal land use policies.
    Industries like logging, oil, gas, and livestock have long exerted control over public land management, yet Wuerthner doesn’t express the same level of outrage over their influence.

    His example of the Siuslaw NF agreement mentions logging but fails to acknowledge that tribes often prioritize sustainable forestry practices over industrial-scale deforestation.

    Misunderstanding of Tribal Cultural and Conservation Practices

    Wuerthner paints tribes as self-serving resource exploiters while conveniently ignoring their long-standing stewardship of these lands—practices that predate the U.S. government by thousands of years.
    His critique of the Jemez Pueblo’s eagle capture is particularly uninformed. The limited, ceremonial take of eagles is legally protected under the Bald and Golden Eagle Protection Act and has strict permitting processes. This is not a conservation threat.

    Co-management doesn’t mean tribes are making unilateral decisions. These agreements involve federal agencies and must align with conservation laws.

    Hypocrisy Regarding “Democracy”

    Wuerthner decries tribal co-management as undemocratic but ignores the undemocratic nature of how public lands have historically been managed—often prioritizing industry interests over environmental protection.

    His argument about tribes not deserving “greater influence” ignores that states, corporations, and other groups already wield disproportionate power over land management decisions.

    The claim that conservation groups won’t criticize co-management due to funding is speculative and conspiratorial, rather than grounded in evidence.

    The “Land Back” Fear-Mongering

    Wuerthner invokes the “Land Back” movement as if it’s a secret plot to “take” public lands. In reality, Land Back is about restoring Indigenous stewardship, not evicting the general public from national parks.
    Many co-management agreements do not transfer land ownership but recognize tribal expertise in sustainable land management.

    Even if Land Back involved legal land restitution, this would not be unprecedented—tribal land reclamations have happened before through negotiated agreements, court rulings, and acts of Congress.

    Conclusion: A Flawed, Alarmist, and Selectively Indignant Argument
    Wuerthner’s piece is reactionary and fear-mongering, ignoring historical injustices and the legal basis for tribal co-management.

    He is fine with ranchers, loggers, and energy companies dictating public land policy but suddenly finds it outrageous when Indigenous nations exercise their legally recognized rights.

    His arguments lack historical, legal, and ecological nuance and reflect an outdated, exclusionary mindset about who gets to participate in public land management.

    This is not about “special treatment” for tribes—it’s about rectifying historical wrongs and ensuring the best possible stewardship of public lands.

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Author

George Wuerthner is an ecologist and writer who has published 38 books on various topics related to environmental and natural history. Among his titles are Welfare Ranching-The Subsidized Destruction of the American West, Wildfire-A Century of Failed Forest Policy, Energy—Overdevelopment and the Delusion of Endless Growth, Keeping the Wild-Against the Domestication of the Earth, Protecting the Wild—Parks, and Wilderness as the Foundation for Conservation, Nevada Mountain Ranges, Alaska Mountain Ranges, California’s Wilderness Areas—Deserts, California Wilderness Areas—Coast and Mountains, Montana’s Magnificent Wilderness, Yellowstone—A Visitor’s Companion, Yellowstone and the Fires of Change, Yosemite—The Grace and the Grandeur, Mount Rainier—A Visitor’s Companion, Texas’s Big Bend Country, The Adirondacks-Forever Wild, Southern Appalachia Country, among others.
He has visited over 400 designated wilderness areas and over 200 national park units.
In the past, he has worked as a cadastral surveyor in Alaska, a river ranger on several wild and scenic rivers in Alaska, a backcountry ranger in the Gates of the Arctic National Park in Alaska, a wilderness guide in Alaska, a natural history guide in Yellowstone National Park, a freelance writer and photographer, a high school science teacher, and more recently ecological projects director for the Foundation for Deep Ecology. He currently is the ED of Public Lands Media.
He has been on the board or science advisor of numerous environmental organizations, including RESTORE the North Woods, Gallatin Yellowstone Wilderness Association, Park Country Environmental Coalition, Wildlife Conservation Predator Defense, Gallatin Wildlife Association, Western Watersheds Project, Project Coyote, Rewilding Institute, The Wildlands Project, Patagonia Land Trust, The Ecological Citizen, Montana Wilderness Association, New National Parks Campaign, Montana Wild Bison Restoration Council, Friends of Douglas Fir National Monument, Sage Steppe Wild, and others.

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